Other impact assessments of crop research conducted by the Consultative
Group on International Agricultural Research (CGIAR), for example on rice
improvement and the control of cassava mealy bug, were also able to provide
precise figures of their considerable economic benefits.
Contrast this with a CGIAR Science Council review of 24 impact
assessments of policy-oriented research projects conducted prior to 2006.
Only three of these provided estimates of their economic benefits, which
amounted to just US $200 million, or 25 per cent of a conservative measure
of the entire CGIAR investment in policy-oriented research up to 2004. This
lack of clear quantitative evidence prompted the Science Council to
commission seven further case studies, including one by Raitzer on CIFOR’s
research on the pulp and paper industry.
Raitzer decided to investigate three main impact pathways: increases in
the area of forest land set aside for conservation by companies; increases
in the use of fibre from plantations; and the extent to which companies did
not expand their processing capacity as a result of CIFOR’s research. He
interviewed 31 informants in the industry, government and civil society, and
they confirmed that Barr’s research has had a considerable influence.
For example, APP and APRIL have set aside large areas of forest land for
conservation. They have also rapidly increased the amount of land under
plantations, partially as a response to a ministerial decree, and partially
as a response to the demands of buyers and creditors influenced by advocacy.
APRIL officials credited CIFOR and advocacy by non-governmental
organisations (NGOs) with virtually all improvements in sustainability made
since 2001; and the NGOs confirmed that Barr’s research was essential to
obtaining environmental commitments from APP and APRIL.
The campaigns and policy reforms that benefited from CIFOR’s research
helped to save large areas of pristine forest from destruction, either
directly through conservation commitments, or indirectly through the
substitution of plantation wood for natural forest wood and the reduction in
demand for wood from natural forests. This has protected biodiversity and
valuable watershed services, such as the provision of clean water for
agriculture and human consumption. It has also ensured that large quantities
of carbon that would have been released into the atmosphere, had the forests
been felled, remain safely locked up. Indeed, the main economic benefits of
CIFOR’s pulp and paper research largely derive from the reduction in carbon
emissions through averted forest loss.
Putting a figure on this, as Raitzer points out, is exceptionally tricky.
‘It all depends on the assumptions you make,’ he says. For this study he
came up with three scenarios of assumptions for everything from the
contribution of research, to the effects of commitments made and the values
of non-market benefits. Using the most conservative, he estimates that the
research has generated benefits of US $19 million a year, equivalent to
CIFOR’s entire annual budget. At the other extreme, using the most liberal
assumption, the benefits could be in the order of US $583 million a year.
Using his main assumption, the benefits come to US $133 million a year. As
the total cost of the research conducted by Barr and his colleagues comes to
US $500 000 at most, this is an exceptional return on investment, even if we
use the most conservative assumption.
Prior to Raitzer’s study, Chris Barr did not have a clear idea of the
precise impact of his research, in terms of avoided natural forest clearance
and the financial benefits associated with it.
‘It has been a real eye-opener for me to see the impact quantified,’ says
Barr. ‘I think that this is a clear affirmation of the value of
organisations like CIFOR working on trade and investment issues.’
See
http://www.cifor.cgiar.org/publications/pdf_files/Books/BRaitzer0801.pdf.
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